The other side of the story: Liveblogging the Khadr committee

11:51:11 AM …
Okay, I know every other journalist in the country is chasing the

by kadyomalley on Tuesday, May 27, 2008 12:23pm - 0 Comments

11:51:11 AM
Okay, I know every other journalist in the country is chasing the shooting star that is the Bernier Affair. But just because we have our first genuine political sex scandal in possibly ever—I don’t think Gerda ever did the deed, did she? Just lots of long, lingering looks?—doesn’t mean that we can ignore fundamental issues of human rights, international law and all that stuff, right? And today is a very special day at the Subcommittee on International Human Rights: We’re going to hear from witnesses who think the government should leave Omar Khadr to rot in an American military detention camp! Won’t that be… different?

Leading the charge: Canadian-born lawyer, Howard Anglin, who currently practices law in DC, and is, let’s say strident in his views, even for a right-wing, Bushian Sakiesque conservative. Google him if you’re curious. I did, and it made for fascinating reading.

So what’s he doing up here? Funny story. Turns out he has done some work for the Foundation for the Defense Democracies, which, as it happens, is the former employer of one Alykhan Velshi, who now works for Jason Kenney. Small world, isn’t it? The two have even collaborated on articles together, most of which can be summarized thusly: America: good! Terrorists, suspected and otherwise: bad! Geneva Conventions: depends on the context!

Right now, the chair, Scott Reid, is chatting with the witness about our quaint parliamentary practices. Mario Silva is gazing intently in their direction, and the lunch buffet is being unloaded in the background.

12:01:41 PM

The rest of the committee members are starting to roll in. Vivian Barbot is here, and seems to be engaged in a quiet, but intense discussion with Wayne Marston. Irwin Cotler is hanging over someone’s chair, but he may just be dropping by to say hi. Oh, and there’s the Secretary of State for Baiting Retired UN Generals himself! He looks much more relaxed than usual. I wonder if he thinks this witness will be less stubbornly pro-Khadr than pretty much everyone they’ve heard from so far.

12:05:27 PM
Okay, the meeting is slowly but surely getting underway; Reid is, as always, fretting about time. Apparently there are motions that have to be dealt with or something like that—in camera, unfortunately.

12:06:31 PM
Housekeeping over, now the fun begins. Howard Anglin gets things started by saying that he’s the first witness to disagree with the proposal to repatriate Khadr. But he wants to make it clear that he’s not “carrying a brief” for the US government, with which he often disagrees. Basically, he thinks the law has been presented in a “shoddy” fashion during the hearings thus far and he aims to set the committee straight.

Oh boy.

12:09:02 PM
According to Anglin, there is nothing in the Optional Protocol that prevents the prosecution of soldiers under the age of eighteen—it’s more of a question of discretion and there is “good precedent” for prosecuting child soldiers for war crimes. Really? Good precedents? I’m intrigued! So is Jason Kenney, apparently. He has his serious face on and he’s paying close attention to the presentation. “The prosecution of minor children … is not expressly forbidden,” Anglin points out. Well, that’s a ringing endorsement.

Now he’s reading from a report from the International Red Cross—a long quote, he warns us—and then wraps it up by dismissing Dallaire’s claim that prosecution of child soldiers goes against international law.

Finally, he says he has yet to hear any “convincing arguments” that the current US system is illegal, and claims that, despite what we foreigners must think, his country the United States (Anglin is, of course, a Canadian) “does not conduct show trials.” As for provisions to protect unlawful combatants, it’s a “specious comparison.” To apply civilian rules of due process would be impractical. Or impracticable—I might have misheard him.

12:16:30 PM
Odd: David Sweet isn’t here. Instead, taking second chair for the government is Dave Mackenzie, who looks like an older, grumpier David Emerson, our new Foreign Affairs minister!

12:17:23 PM
Well, this is unexpected: a defense, or at least rationalization, of Trudeau’s move to suspend habeus corpus during the FLQ crisis. I can’t figure out if Anglin is agreeing with the decision or just making a weird “if it was okay for him, it’s okay for us” analogy.

If Khadr was being held in China or Saudi Arabia, Canadians would have reason to worry, Anglin says. (Because they’re Red Communists/Islamofascists, I’m assuming.) The US, on the other hand, is a beacon of liberty and freedom. “I hear snickers,” he says. “I can address those later.” The system now in place is working, and there’s no reason Canada should interfere, he concludes.

Questions, comments? Oh, somehow I think so.

12:22:11 PM
Irwin Cotler is here! This should be fun! And, hey, he’s reading from the very same article that I linked: the National Review piece Anglin co-wrote with Kenney’s communications director. Cotler wonders why he doesn’t think that basic rights should be extended to unlawful combatants and why they should be treated differently.

Anglin says the laws of armed conflict are “problematic” when dealing with asymmetrical warfare, which is such a clinical, almost hermetically sealed way to describe it. As a member of al-Qaeda, Khadr is not party to the Geneva Conventions, he notes, and is not… Wait, did he just call the Geneva Convention anachronistic? He did. Apparently, it works fine with “gentlemen soldiers” like the Nazis, I guess. But “whatever you can say about Omar Khadr, he isn’t a gentleman.” True; he’s a teenager. And a child soldier.

Cotler wonders if Anglin believes Khadr has been provided with the “minimal protections” that he should be afforded. Anglin says he has. Cotler then brings up Hamid v Rumsfeld, which Anglin fumed against in the National Review, but his response here is slightly more measured. The process, he says, is “being refined,” which is what happens in a country that respects the rule of law. The procedures are modeled on the rights that would be provided to a US citizen, he notes, a statement with which Cotler takes issue. What about being subject to coercion, denied counsel and all that other stuff that has allegedly been experienced by Khadr? Anglin points to Kuebler, as counsel, noting that the committee was apparently “very impressed by him.” As for coercion, Anglin says he’s not going to defend the torture of detainees, which is refreshing. If it has been used, that can be taken to the courts, he notes.

12:30:18 PM
Vivian Barbot confesses to being “puzzled” by his testimony. Is Anglin claiming that Khadr isn’t a Canadian citizen? Regardless of how the question comes up, he was 15 years old when the events in question occurred. Does Anglin really think the treatment he’s received lives up to that prescribed by the Optional Protocol? Also, as for the US as a “model of justice,” she leaves that alone for the moment, but wonders why Canada can’t bring him home to face charges here?

Anglin begins by apologizing for having to respond to the translation and notes that he’s not telling Canada not to bring him home. That’s not his role. He’s just providing another perspective on the law. The fact the US has treated Khadr “differently” from the other—he hesitates for a moment—child soldiers, who have been kept at Camp Iguana, the funnest, most kidtastic military detention camp the US has to offer. Clearly there was a reason for that, he says, although he doesn’t tell the committee what it was.

12:36:03 PM
Wayne Marston takes over, and points out that his party opposed the introduction of the War Measures Act. He notes that Anglin did say Khadr “wasn’t a gentleman” and asks if he’s ever met him. He also wonders about those reasons for treating him differently from the other children at Gitmo. Isn’t Anglin giving the Americans the benefit of the doubt? He also doesn’t see repatriation as an interference in the legal affairs of another country; we’re all friends here, right?

12:38:25 PM
Anglin says something about how it is noble for a son—or in this case, a “family of sons”—to follow in their father’s footsteps. This prompts a chuckle from the man sitting behind me, who I suspect is the next witness. But in this case, the Khadr sons “chose the wrong side.”

As for the gentleman comment, he notes that “gentlemen” don’t take up arms against their country’s allies. Oh, and he gives a shoutout to the NDP for opposing the War Measures Act.

12:40:58 PM
And now Jason Kenney, who hands him a straight line. Some witnesses, he notes, have tried to suggest that the US is running a “kangaroo court” due to the lack of protection and habeus corpus. What does he have to say to that? Not surprisingly, Anglin is thrilled to answer that one: the current process has led to the release of over thirty enemy combatants. Does a kangaroo court do that? He thinks not.

(I’ve never noticed it before, but Kenney has a widow’s peak. That, or the lighting is playing tricks with his hairline.)

Anglin goes off on a lengthy explanation of all the provisions afforded to detainees—better than Geneva, in some cases, he notes.

12:44:39 PM
Another straight line from Kenney. Oh, man. He is not going there, is he? He is—he’s pulling out the Romeo Dallaire quote and asking Anglin to comment on the “as bad as the terrorists” comment. Offside! (The people behind me keep laughing at his bons mots.) Anglin notes that Dallaire made some “inelegant” statements and calls it “sophmoric radical relativism” that is “unworthy and puerile.” Oh, and something about berets.

I wonder if the senator is watching?

12:47:23 PM
One more round, and Barbot takes the first slot: she, too, is bristling over the “gentleman” comment, which she calls “gratuitous.” A lot of comments have been made about the Khadr family, but should a child be judged based on what his father does? Of course not, Anglin purrs, although it was his family that brought him in close contact with al-Qaeda and the Bin Laden family.

I think Anglin may have just realized that the “gentleman” crack was a mistake.

Barbot notes that everyone says he was just a child (15), that the point of reference should be Canada and that Khadr was not provided access to a lawyer. The law, however, does not require that, Anglin notes—and the law must be applied. The American law, that is. Canadian law does not apply to an unlawful combatant held by a foreign state.

12:51:30 PM
Kenney asks for details on the release of detainees that Anglin mentioned, including some who were transferred back to Albanian after being picked up in the “confusion” that followed the “liberation” of Afghanistan. Anglin seems a little puzzled, and Kenney appears to be following a train of thought for which he has not, sadly, bought a ticket.

Kenney wonders if there are any charges that could be brought against the Khadrs, as Omar’s “recruiters.” Anglin muses over whether it might, in theory, be possible, depending on whether his family could be considered members of al-Qaeda.

Kenney begins his last question with the dubious premise that Khadr could not be tried in a Canadian court—despite much evidence to the contrary—but even Anglin is cautious about making that assumption. He agrees it might be difficult, but declines to discuss the specifics, what with not being a Canadian lawyer.

12:56:22 PM
Marston takes the last slot, and notes the committee heard yesterday that Khadr could indeed be tried in Canada. He wonders if the process here would supply the necessary “sense of justice” if Khadr was brought back and treated as he would have been had the offence taken place when he was 15. Anglin says that you’d probably have to take a poll to find out if Canadians would be satisfied with that outcome.

Finally, back to Camp Iguana, and another attempt to elicit an opinion from Anglin on why Khadr was held at the adults-only camp. He suggests it may have to do with with the “rich intelligence” that he may have picked up.

And that’s all for Anglin. Up next: the Canadian Coalition for Democracies. Whee!

1:01:16 PM
Due to time constraints, there’s no break between witnesses; it’s right to Naresh Raghuhbeer, who tells the committee the Coalition is “concerned” about the Khadr case. He stresses that Khadr should be given access to consular service and that the Canadian government must ensure is treated in a constitutionally legitimate manner.

And now, a trip down memory lane—jurisdictional memory lane, that is. Apparently, there were two other countries with a stronger jurisdictional claim than Canada: Afghanistan, and the United States.

He then quotes the one line of last week’s Khadr decision that could be interpreted to support the position that the current process is outside Canadian jurisdiction. Must get full context there.

Like Kenney, he thinks the government should explore charges against the Khadr family, whether related to terrorism, or promoting hatred. In fact, he’s puzzled as to why no Canadian authorities—police, child services, you name it—are investigating the Khadrs’ parenting techniques and their promotion of jihad to Canadian children. Otherwise, Canadian islamic fascists may be “emboldened” to brainwash their children to follow in their footsteps.

Now he’s on to dual citizens, and I’m going to see if I can very quickly sneak a sandwich.

1:09:22 PM
(Sandwich) mission accomplished. Witness still on dual citizens. The conversation over how Canada treats them is long overdue, he notes.

1:10:17 PM
And… questions already? That was quick. Oh, they’re trying to wrap up by 1:40, I guess. Anyway, Cotler wonders whether the witness believes that Khadr has received appropriate treatment thus far. Yes, with an asterisk. There have “clearly” been violations of international law, but those were addressed by the Supreme Court and the current process seems to be working.

Jason Kenney looks bootfaced and he’s not looking at the witness. Interesting. Oh, and now he’s gone. I’m sure he’ll be back for the big finish.

The Canadian Coalition for Democracies does believe that Khadr has been treated “relatively well” compared to how other countries treat prisoners. It is the Supreme Court that will ultimately decide.

1:13:45 PM
Mario Silva admits to being somewhat baffled by the apparent contradiction in the Coalition’s position on whether international law has been respected, given that the US Supreme Court has found otherwise. Raghubeer tries to explain: the violations have been remedied and actions have been taken to ensure he’s being treated appropriately, but Cotler calls that retroactive legitimization—or sanitization—of things like coercion and depriving him of counsel that can’t simply be remedied by a subsequent decision. That’s his opinion, says Rughabeer.

1:17:24 PM
Vivian Barbot notes that there are “opinions and facts.” I’ll give you one guess as to what she thinks of Cotler’s position on retroactive legitimization, which is a fantastically hideous word. She wonders why it isn’t the role of the country to take responsibiity for trying Khadr, given that it was this country that failed to protect him from his family.

Rughubeer admits he’s no expert on the Geneva Conventions, nor did he pretend to be one. But if it’s true that his parents converted him, what responsibility does the Canadian government have to protect him and other children?

Raghubeer then reads from some of the Khadr family’s greatest hits but Barbot interrupts. We’re not here to judge the family, she notes, but was it not the role of the father to protect the children? It’s a mother’s role to protect the children, he argues, but Barbot is getting antsy. This is not about judging his family, it’s about Omar Khadr.

You know, I have to wonder how the whole “punish the parents for warping the children with hatred” argument would fly if applied to fanatics of a non-Islamic variety. Don’t small-c conservatives take great umbrage at the mere suggestion that government has the right to tell parents how to raise their children?

1:23:36 PM
Marston once again tries to get the witness to acknowledge that this was a child soldier, and that his treatment by the US authorities was not appropriate. He should be brought home, taken before the judicial system here, and rehabilitated. Rughubeer is getting frustrated too, I think—he agrees that the family has contributed to raising him as a “young Jihadist” and says that he should have been protected in Canada first, before that happened. If parents won’t perform their “duties,” he notes, the state must step in.

1:27:42 PM
David Sweet is back and, as usual, begins by listing the charges—the very, very serious charges—against Khadr. Even in Canada, a youth can be tried as an adult if the alleged crime is sufficiently serious. Sweet also has a list of… Hey, that’s the same list the last witness was using! It’s the countries with policies that flatly contradict the position that no child can be a soldier: the UK, the UN Security Council and the Optional Protocol. He even read the list in the same order. In response, Raghubeer helpfully condemns the comments made by Dallaire—it’s like they had it all planned out. Fed up, Mario Silva chides the witness for his remarks.

1:32:02 PM
Jason Kenney notes the subcommittee has tried to invite the Khadr family to appear, but they haven’t been willing to cooperate. He then asks a planted question so specific that even the witness can’t figure out exactly what he wants. Wayne Marston takes issue with what he thinks it is—basically, an opening to read more Khadr quotes into the record—and the chair reminds him to behave himself. Jason Kenney, incidentally, is claiming that he’s never heard any of those controversial comments from the Khadr family. I’m sorry, I find that a little bit hard to swallow.

Rughabeer, meanwhile, once again calls for the anti-jihad parenting police, and then does a quick recap of the Very Very Terrible Things that the rest of Omar’s family have said and/or done. He points out that even Kuebler has said that the US government would not want to repatriate him back into the arms of his evil, terrorist-loving family.

Which as far as I know, no one has actually proposed.

And with that, the meeting seems to be over. Or is it? No, it isn’t. Wayne Marston gets one more crack, and he notes that Canada does have hate crime laws. And Human Rights Commissions! (Sorry, I couldn’t resist.) The witness concurs, but notes that those hate crime laws “aren’t being enforced.” What a fascinating discussion that could be, given Kenney’s comments on other alleged hate speech issues. Sadly, though, we’re out of time.

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  • http://www.spencerspratley.blogspot.com Spencer Spratley

    According to Unicef, a child soldier is defined as any person under the age of 18 who is part of any kind of regular or irregular armed force or armed group. These child soldiers are viewed by most Governments and world institutions as victims who require varying degrees of trauma healing, rehabilitation and reintegration into their communities. According to the South African Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect, the healing process for child soldiers involves an intensive three stage process:

    1. The establishment of safety

    2. A process of remembrance and mourning, and

    3. Reconnection with ordinary life

    According to their website, the overall focus of treatment is to “provide opportunities for restoring normal and whole-life childhood experiences, to experience loving and supportive communities and thus draw heavily on the cultural and social environment resources that have meaning to the individual child soldier.”

    Most sane and decent people would agree that a humane and compassionate response to child soldiers is most appropriate. And these types of rehabilitation programs have proven to be very effective when they are given adequate support and financing. One living example of this success is the story of Ishmael Beah. At 15 years of age he was rescued from the battlefields in Sierra Leone by UNICEF and rehabilitated in a facility run by a nongovernmental organization known as “Children Associated With the War.” Eventually, Beah made his way to the United States, where he graduated from college and wrote his poignant memoirs, which received international acclaim. Beah is now a UNICEF advocate for children affected by war and travels the world to lobby governments to rehabilitate and reintegrate former child soldiers into society.

    Now contrast this with the case of Omar Khadr, a Canadian citizen who was taken from Canada to the Middle East by his family when he was a teenager. Khadr was also removed from the battlefield when he was 15 after his father was killed and he was wounded during a firefight with U.S. troops. Instead of being returned to Canada for treatment and care, he was sent to Guantanamo Bay as an enemy combatant and held for years without charge in cruel and unusual conditions. And rather than coming to his aid, successive Canadian Governments ignored their moral and ethical responsibilities by leaving him to rot.

    In fact, Canada was aware as early as 2003 that Khadr had been subject to torture. We know this because the documents ordered released by the Supreme Court of Canada to Khadr’s defence team confirm it. As early as 2003, Khadr complained to Canadian interrogators that he had been tortured by American personnel in Afghanistan and that he was giving false statements and confessions out of fear that the torture would resume. The Canadian diplomat interviewing Khadr apparently had some kind of unmentioned psychic powers and dismissed his allegations out of hand and chose not to pursue the matter. The Canadian official, R.S. Heatherington, wrote in a report dated February 20, 2003:

    “On the second day…he was despondent, alleging that everything he had said was lie and only said because he feared a resumption of the torture he had undergone while in American custody in Afghanistan. To a non-professional interviewer Mr. Khadr’s allegations and protestations – including tears and the removal of his shirt to show the scars he said were inflicted in the course of the torture – did not ring true. Rather it looked as though he had been coached overnight to cast doubt on the things he had said the day before.”

    This was a colossal failure on the part of Foreign Affairs and the Canadian Government. Why did Canada send a so-called “non-professional” interviewer to assess Mr. Khadr’s condition? And why was this “non-professional” permitted to simply dismiss Khadr’s allegations of torture at the hands of his American captives? Why were these allegations not investigated further? Omar Khadr was a vulnerable and defenceless Canadian child being held in isolation outside of the normal course of justice and when he complained about torture, the Canadian investigator simply concluded he was lying. This response was shameful and woefully inadequate. Particularly when you compare it to the treatment that Brenda Martin received from the Canadian Government during her imprisonment in Mexico. Jason Kenney (Canada’s Secretary of State for Multiculturalism) personally visited the country in order to secure her release back to Canada.

    In another report by Foreign Affairs dated February 17, 2003, Khadr stated that he didn’t want to fight the Americans but that “he had to”. This is not difficult to envision. Surrounded by adults with guns in a foreign land would naturally make a child vulnerable to manipulation and intimidation. That is all quite logical. Khadr also stated that he was staying with “bad people” in Afghanistan who were killing Americans instead of fighting the Northern Alliance. This hardly sounds like the hateful rhetoric of a jihadist and a terrorist.

    A report filed by Canadian officials on April 20, 2004 describes Khadr in a way that suggests he was emotionally and psychologically disturbed by his long captivity. The diplomats report that when he was given a picture of his family and left alone, he managed to undo his pants and urinate on the picture. After he was cleaned up and his shackles were tightened, Khadr manged to remove his pants again and urinate on the picture a second time. Later that day, he put his head down beside the picture and appeared to express affection towards the image. In a videotape of one of Mr. Khadr’s interrogation by Canadian officials, it appears that Khadr is repeating to them, “Kill me, kill me”. He also states that he didn’t kill anyone and he pleads with the Canadian visitors to “protect him from the Americans”. This doesn’t sound like a child who is enjoying optimal mental health and Canadian interrogators suggested it may be an issue if he was ever returned to Canada.

    These reports also confirm that Khadr was placed in the “frequent flyer” program before one visit by Canadian interrogators in order to “soften him up”. The “frequent flyer” program involved weeks of isolation and extreme levels of sleep deprivation. In other words, he was tortured. Why the Canadian Government did not step up its efforts to protect Omar Khadr is a complete mystery. They simply abandoned him to several additional years of imprisonment.

    And what is the position of Canadian Prime Minster Stephen Harper today? He takes the view that Canada has no option other than letting Omar Khadr face the sham of a military tribunal conducted by the Americans. No attempt to repatriate Khadr to Canada will be made and the Government is not eager to discuss the matter any further. This position flies in the face of many expert opinions that the Canadian government does have options when it comes to Omar Khadr. It is also worth nothing that all other “Western Nations” have managed to have their citizens who were imprisoned at Guantanamo brought home. Canada stands shamefully alone in this regard.

    In response to Harper’s comments, Kadhr’s military appointed lawyer (U.S. Navy Lt.-Cmdr. Bill Kuebler) has lashed out with great force. He has made the following statements in recent days:

    “I think it’s deplorable that he would say that there’s nothing to be done. This Canadian prime minister refuses to stand up to the Bush administration and protect the rights of a Canadian citizen.”

    “You (should) stand up for the rights of a Canadian citizen, you follow the law, you do the right thing, you stop taking your orders from the Bush administration. You should also stop being the last Western leader to subsidize a clearly failed policy at Guantanamo Bay.”

    “The prime minister, through his cabinet members, particularly Mr. (Peter) MacKay, have long said that they have been assured that Omar Khadr was being well treated, when in fact the Canadian government well knew that was not the case.”

    Indeed, they did know that this was not the case. The Government has known since 2003 that Kadhr was being mistreated and they chose to do nothing. The question is why. And will anyone be held accountable for this miserable failure? The life of a Canadian child lies in ruins because of their inaction. Shame on them.

    Spencer Spratley

  • Wayne

    I don’t blame him in the least for what he did to the photograph : well he is going to court in October so knowing the Yanks he will be judged guilty shortly after that and then no doubt he will be back in here in prison with us picking up the tab again. The craziest thing about all of this is that his father used his Canadian disability pension to pay for their trip to help Al Qaeda – then they lost their passports 3 times? (Yeah Right – do you know how much you can sell a Canadian passport for?) … good grief is all I have to say.

  • Michael McConkey

    I just watched the CPAC replay of Howard Anglin’s testimony before the committee last night. My god, you egregiously misrepresent his arguments repeatedly. Are you dishonest or cognitively challenged? But that fact that you begin with some good old fashioned ad hominem argument maybe is fair warning to the reader, except, of course that raising logical fallacies to the level of methodological virtues is pretty much par for the course among our deep thinking media elite these days.

    Oy vey.

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