Being there

by Andrew Coyne on Friday, September 19, 2008 12:58am - 79 Comments

Harper has no plan – Coyne

Harper has a plan – Wells

And what is more — they’re both right!

How’s that again? Read the choicer cuts from Wells’s incisive piece. The plan is to have no plan:

From day to day the Prime Minister can be so full of surprises, so confounding to his opponents and even to some of his supporters, that it almost always helps to take the long view when trying to figure him out…

There is a constant tension in his politics between a short-term impulse to hug the centre and a long-term determination to move it — to transform Canadian society. Harper captures that tension when he calls himself a realist. It’s the label a man gives himself when he is willing to take many detours on his way to his destination. When he is so intent on his long-term goal that he will not let mere principle get in the way of reaching that goal…

All the evidence of his 31 months in power suggests the changes Harper has in store for the basic architecture of Canadian federalism are profound. And all the evidence of the campaign suggests he is just about ready to twist himself into logical and moral pretzels on the way….

To hug the centre, he will indulge in the most blatant contradictions and occasional incoherence. To keep the Liberals out, he will frequently play with his elbows way up….

Taken together, these actions give the image, not so much of a strategic genius as of a man who will throw anything and anyone overboard if it threatens his ability to hang onto power. For Harper this must be entirely justifiable. His plan for change is written across a generation. It is nothing like what Brian Mulroney did, two tumultuous mandates that left the party broken and radioactive for a decade. Harper needs longevity. It is starting to look like he will do anything to get it.

So he has a vision of where he wants to take the country in the long run. And to get to that destination he will as often as not move in precisely the opposite direction. Is this as nonsensical as it sounds? Can you add up an endless series of backflips into a great leap forward? Is long-term vision no more than compounded short-term expediency? Is the road to that horizon a load of compromisin’?

Maybe. Here’s what I think is going on in Harper’s brain. Most voters, he has reasoned, are not ideological or even political. They barely pay attention, even when there’s an election on. You can’t reason with them, can’t persuade them, can’t change their minds. All you can do is win.

The closest thing to a political philosophy in most voters’ minds is whatever they are familiar with. That is, other things being equal, they tend to prefer the status quo, whatever it is, to the unknown. This confers a huge advantage on incumbency. It’s why conservative radicals like Milton Friedman used to rail against the “tyranny of the status quo.” Once a system, ideology or institution is entrenched, however moribund and corrupt, it’s all but impossible to shift it.

Harper isn’t interested in persuading the public to come round to his point of view, or in behaving in a principled or ideologically consistent fashion. All he wants to do is win. (The Coyne thesis.) How does he reconcile that with his long-run ideological ambition (the Wells version)? Because as long as he goes on winning, by whatever means, he becomes the status quo. So whatever he does imprints itself upon the public’s reptilian brain as the natural order of things. He doesn’t win by persuading. He persuades people by winning.

As long as on balance he’s making progress — even if it’s two steps forward, one step back — then he achieves his goal. Not by convincing the public it’s the right thing to do. Not by changing minds. Just by being there.

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  • KRB

    orval: “On a totally unrelated matter, I agree with the poster above who said after Oct 14 Ignatieff might pull an Emerson and become Foreign Minister in the Harper cabinet.”

    While I never say anything is impossible, it would seem to me that Ignatieff would have to believe that he would be a shoe-in for the Liberal leadership, especially after seeing how the Conservatives unleashed on Bob Rae when he had the unmitigated gall to pronounce on the state of the economy, after what he did to Ontario in the early 90′s.

    Emerson was never a partisan Liberal; he was/is just a competent guy who wanted to serve his country in government, so he initially picked the Liberals as the best vehicle for him to achieve that. When the Liberals lost, he continued on with the Conservatives.

    The Liberals might be in bad shape after Oct. 14th, but their brand is still strong. I’m sure Ignatieff could resurrect their brand quite easily. He wouldn’t get spanked in a campaign, that’s for sure. His first election might be a close-run thing, but I’m sure if he didn’t win, he’d live to fight another day, and would likely win on the second try.

  • orval

    Hi KRB you might well be right, if there is enough of the Liberal party left to rapidly resurrect after Oct 14.

    Ignatieff was a shoe-in in 2006, but he still lost. It was obvious that a large part of the Liberal party (the anti-Americans) were allergic to Ignatieff. In 2006 Ignatieff had the largest support from Quebec Liberals – the LPC is Quebec is now in ruins. The party itself has gone more to his rival Bob Rae’s way of thinking, rather than his way.

    Reading Ignatieff’s foreign policy books (Virtual War, The Warrior’s Code, Blood and Belonging, etc) I was always mystified as to why Ignatieff would be attracted to the pacifist, protectionist, anti-American, socialist Liberal party. It sems to me it is a nostalgic attraction – he longs for the Liberal party of Pearson (his fathers’ boss), not for the party of Chretien, Martin and now Dion.

    The people who will be left in the rubble of the Liberal party are not Ignatieff’s kind of people. So, unless he returns to academia, I wouldn’t be surprised if he takes on Foreign Affairs under Harper, or takes up the PM’s offer of a senior diplomatic posting like Ambassador to the UN. Any of those would be terrific uses of his talents and intellect IMHO.

  • Ross Trusler

    “The difference in healthcare as a component of GDP is FAR from insignificant between first-world countries.”

    You are woefully ill-informed.

    Except for the US as the major outlier, almost all large first-word countries spend between 8% and 11% of GDP on health.

    “Canada clearly places a low importance on healthcare and consequently it consumes a relatively small fraction of GDP (compared to most European countries, as well as the US for mostly different reasons). ”

    Wrong again. Canada spends comparatively more than most, so if that’s your metric, Canada places a high importance on healthcare, not low. However, it places importance on maintaining the incumbent system at any cost, not actual health outcomes.

    Health Spending, Portion of GDP, 2007:
    Canada – 10.6%
    OECD average – 9.4%
    Source: WHO

    And we’re rising faster than the OECD too. In fact, we’re swiftly returning to the point we were at 10 years ago: spending more than anyone else (except the US), with mediocre results to show for it.

    “This is a political choice. If you believe you/your family should have received prompter care then what you’d want is more spending allocated to health (or perhaps a different prioritization scheme),”

    Wrong again. Returning to OECD comparisons, more spending at the macro level by itself does not equal better health outcomes. Those countries spending 8% have the same (or better) outcomes as those paying 11%.

    What DOES make a difference is the structure of health care spending and delivery – and our system scrapes the bottom of the barrel. Spending more on a centrally-planned bad system just leads to a more expensive system, not a better one.

    In each of my family’s cases, it would have cost markedly less to provide swifter care. Spending more on health care was not the issue – it is management, incentive, and actors. In our system, patients are treated as invisible non-actors, which is utterly obtuse.

    It is ridiculous that if my cat and I require medical attention, I can pay to save my cat, but it’s ILLEGAL to do so to save my own life.

    Until that is remedied, we cannot call our system moral, much less ideal.

  • http://vent.itsonlysteam.com len

    Exactly. In Canada there is only the center.

    Over time he can marry fiscal conservatism and social tolerance into a kind of libertarianism of convenience, or those that believe opportunity and choice are the precursors to a vibrant dynamic society and government can play a moderating role. At present it would contrast him to a spectrum to the left (all 4) all the way to the antique relic in the NDP.

From Macleans