What’s really up (and down) with incomes

by Andrew Coyne on Monday, October 31, 2011 5:27pm - 82 Comments

Weeks after the whole sorry mess began, we’re still being treated to deep thinkers pronouncing upon the Occupy gatherings as if they meant something Deeply Significant. This piece in the Vancouver Sun is a classic of the genre: inequality soaring, incomes stagnating, etc etc. All of which would be terribly concerning if there were any factual basis for it.

I’ve tried to deal with this elsewhere in prose, but sometimes there’s just nothing like a graph. Here, then, courtesy of Statistics Canada, is that runaway trend towards a society divided into haves and have nots, the “growing gap” you’ve been hearing all about:

That

Appalling, isn’t it? Why, in less than 20 years, the share of pre-tax incomes going to the top 20% has soared from 50% to … 52%. If this trend keeps up, by 2031 it will still be in the low 50s.

For those who’d like to check, the graph is from StatsCan’s CANSIM database. The numbers in HTML form are here (look under “All Family Units”), or you can have a look at my spreadsheet here.

Now, I’m cheating, of course. I’ve started the graph at 1991, a mere 20 years ago. Maybe widening income disparity is a more long-term phenomenon. Sure enough, if you pan back to 1976, which is where the CANSIM table I accessed begins, you see much greater gains for the rich.

Market Income - Quintile Shares.JPG

But that, surely, is the point. Most of the widening occurred decades ago: from 45% in the late 70s, the share going to the upper fifth rose to above 50% in the early-to-mid 1990s — and stayed there. So why all the caterwauling now, after nearly two decades of relative stability in income shares?

Why, especially, when the causes of the earlier widening are clear: the lingering effects of two brutal recessions. Have a look at the following graph. You can see two distinct phases. In the first, from the late 1970s to about 1993; the second, from 1993 onward. It’s in the first that all the widening occurred: not so much because the incomes of the rich rose, as because everyone else’s fell. They fell in two waves, corresponding to the recessions of the early 1980s and early 1990s, and the associated spikes in unemployment, to more than 11% each time.

It’s not hard to understand why: if lots of people are out of work, then lots of people are going to have little to no income to report. That drags down the bottom quintile in particular, but also other quintiles, so far as people earned no income for at least part of the year.

In between recessions, in the 1980s and again in the 1990s-2000s, incomes grew, in part reflecting a reversal of this trend: as people returned to work, the numbers reporting no or reduced income would have less and less effect on the average. Everyone’s incomes rise — but the incomes of the rich rise faster than everyone else’s. Much faster, it appears. So: growing gap, right?

Market Income - Quintile Averages (2009$).JPG

Not so fast. The chart above is deceiving, as it measures in dollar terms, rather than percentages. So higher incomes appear to grow much faster than everyone else’s, simply because they are dealing in higher dollar amounts. Index the numbers against a common starting point, and you get a better picture of whose incomes are growing faster or slower.

Relative Income Gains, By Quintile (1976=100).JPG

Again, you can see two distinct phases. In the first, everyone’s real incomes drop: the lower the income group, the faster — again, largely reflecting the influence of the two recessions. After 1993, everyone’s incomes rise — and the lower the income group, the faster. By 2007, just before the latest recession, average incomes in the lowest quintile, measured by the blue line, are nearly three times what they were in 1993. Average incomes in the next lowest, the green line, are up about 45% in the same time frame.

But the top quintile’s incomes do grow faster than some others: the middle (“third”) and second-from-the-top (“fourth”) quintiles. You can see that more clearly if we normalize the numbers using 1993 = 100. (I’ve left out the bottom group on this one, in order to be able to see more clearly how the top four quintiles move — the magnitude of the lowest group’s movements, down and up, so dwarf the rest as to make this necessary.)

Relative Income Gains (1993=100).JPG

So the incomes of the top quintile grew faster since 1993 than some (the next two quintiles) and slower than others (the bottom two quintiles). And in the earlier phase, they were largely spared the effects of the recessions that ravaged incomes lower down the scale. That’s a lot more complicated story than “the rich get richer while the poor get poorer.”

All of the above graphs are for pre-tax, or “market” incomes. The picture is not hugely different if you look at incomes after taxes and transfers. The increase in the top quintile’s share is more muted, but also more of it occurs in the later phase. A possibly explanation: in the recessions, incomes lower down are buttressed by unemployment insurance and welfare. After 1993, these decline in importance; after 2000, moreover, tax cuts disproportionately benefit the upper fifth (since they pay most of the taxes.)

Income After Taxes and Transfers, Quintile Shares.JPG

Finally, all of the charts above look at quintiles, based on family or household income. But what of the overall median? And what if we look at individual, rather than family income? Again, the picture is not hugely different: declining incomes during the recessions, rising otherwise.

Median incomes (2009$).JPG

Again, normalizing the numbers gives a sense of their relative fall and rise. Median family incomes have risen nearly 20% since 1993, median individual incomes somewhat less.

Relative income gains (1976=100).JPG

Still, it’s hardly an inspiring performance. Median incomes may have been growing for most of the last two decades, but they’re still below where they were in 1980. Yes: a couple of brutal recessions will do that to you. Unemployment spikes very rapidly, but subsides much more slowly. Answer: don’t have brutal recessions. Better answer: don’t allow the kind of accelerating inflation that leads to brutal recessions.

We forget how anomalous the experience of the 1970s to 1990s was. We didn’t have such nasty recessions in prior decades, because we never let inflation get so out of hand. We spent most of the 1980s recovering from the 1982 recession, and we spent most of the last two decades undoing the damage of the previous two. We were just about back to where we were when the financial crisis hit.

But still: we’re no further ahead than we were in 1980! And even the last two decades of growth didn’t produce that much rise in incomes. Take out the effects of declining unemployment, and real wages are only about 10% higher than they were in 1993. Two points need to be made about this.

One, real wages haven’t been rising very rapidly because productivity hasn’t. Our productivity growth is notoriously among the worst in the OECD. The reasons need not detain us here, but economics teaches us wages can’t exceed growth in productivity in the long run.

And two: the 1980 prosperity was an illusion. We were at the top of an inflationary business cycle: inflation was in double digits, and was headed higher if somebody didn’t put on the brakes. Deficits were on a similarly ruinous track. By contrast, the 2007 peak was characterized by low inflation and deficits: we may have had the same or slightly lower incomes than in 1980, but it was a much more sustainable track than before. Had the rest of the world not plunged us into a (mercifully brief) recession, that trend would be more apparent than it is now, but will reassert itself in time.

CODA: As I mentioned in my piece in the magazine, even the gains for the top 20% are almost all concentrated in the top 1%, or indeed the top 0.1%, or even 0.01%. The share going to the next 19.99% would look a lot like those of the other four fifths: more or less flat. You can find all the deets on that here.

[Slideshow image: Toban Black/Flickr]

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  • Pbres1618
  • Mycroft

    Krugman has nailed Coyne:

    “Inequality is back in the news, largely thanks to Occupy Wall Street,…. And you know what that means: It’s time to roll out the obfuscators! Anyone who has tracked this issue over time knows what I mean. Whenever growing income disparities threaten to come into focus, a reliable set of defenders tries to bring back the blur.” 

    http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/04/opinion/oligarchy-american-style.html?hp

    • http://twitter.com/CraigBamford Craig Bamford

      I suspect that’s why Coyne tries to stay away from American information, going so far as to try to dismiss Occupy Wall Street based on Canadian data. There’s no way that he could ignore an opinion writer who’s far better known and better respected than he is.  He’d have to try to rebut Krugman…and there’s not a shot in hell that he could do it. 

      (No matter how many of Stephen Gordon’s blog posts he linked to.)

  • http://twitter.com/CraigBamford Craig Bamford

    Well isn’t this cute. Andrew does a whole big rebuttal to this Vancouver Sun piece without a single mention of the four economists (David Green, Kevin Milligan, Thomas Lemieux and Craig Riddell) whose work and insights were backing it up. Nor the work of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, OR any of the American or international experts who’ve written on the subject and how important it is.

    In fact, as far as I can tell, the only economist whose existence Coyne deigns to acknowledge is Stephen Gordon. Again. 

    (Oh, and what’s this stuff about how recessions are supposedly due to “brutal inflation”? I’d say that Coyne is outing himself as an Austrian…but even Austrians don’t try to pretend that there were no depressions under the gold standard!)

    As for “why all the caterwauling now”? Well, obfuscation using NHL players aside, most of those fabulous incomes are internationally (and certainly in America) tied to the financial sector. People were willing to go along with it because they had thought that the people working on Wall Street had earned it: that they were providing innovative, useful services to the economy, and that they had used their smarts and skills to win big while providing those services. (A bit like Steve Jobs. Nobody resents his being rich, because of what he created.)

    We now know that neither assumption’s true. We’ve found out that their “innovations” ended up seeming to be little more than a destructive spiral of of arbitrage and speculation. We’ve also found out (as Matt Taibbi lays out in exhaustive detail) that the “captains” of the financial sector they didn’t “win big”. They cheated their butts off, and they got away with it. We wuz had.

    People found out that they’ve been had. They’re FURIOUS about finding out that they’ve been had. People love a winner, but they HATE a cheater. And since Washington clearly doesn’t want to do anything about this mob, everybody else will just have to pitch in; and since it’s demand that drives an economy and demand comes from the middle- and working-class people that actually buy things , they’re also realizing that this wealth concentration just ain’t healthy.

    Good on’ em.

    • http://twitter.com/CraigBamford Craig Bamford

      By the by, if anybody’s interested and it hasn’t already been posted, here’s what the actual economists said would be a good idea: 

      • End programs such as the Temporary Foreign Workers Program that artificially encourage low wages in service industries.

      • Recognize that unions — once a bulwark of the middle class — have encouraged better wages not only for unionized workers but non-unionized workers as well, and reconsider government policies that have made the process of union certification more difficult.

      • Concentrate efforts for income equality where it is now most needed, not with seniors, who have fared relatively well, but with younger workers, young families and single parents, who have suffered most from income inequality.

      • Improve the tax-and-transfer system to increase social assistance to those in the lowest income brackets.• Re-examine the flatness of our tax structure, which lags behind that of the U.S. in that regard, and the fact we don’t have increasing tax rates for very high incomes. Said Riddell, “We definitely should be looking at higher tax rates at the very top of the income distribution.”

      • Begin a national conversation to look at the issue of income inequality, to consider if Canadian society is going in the direction we want it to go. It needn’t be something so cumbersome and official as a Royal Commission, but a task force, perhaps, that shines a more focused light on the concerns the global Occupy movement has brought to the public eye.

  • James Burrett

    Andrew – please read this factual column.
    http://nyti.ms/vTyNIm
    Your thoughts ?

  • Scotiawahey

    Dear Mr Coyle

     

    #1:  The
    ‘Occupy’ movement is a global movement, drawing its strengths from the American
    original and protesting the very thought of certain native cultures going the
    same way as the US one has done over the last 10/ 20 years.

     

    Democracies can become corrupt and fail, as witness the
    Weimar culture, a period we should increasingly look to as exemplary for our
    present global culture.  And better
    to protest such corruption early rather than late.  Can you really look to the current set of crises we
    (globally) face and tell me you are optimistic about democracy’s chances?

     

    #2:

     

    http://faculty.arts.ubc.ca/kmilligan/research/centax6.6.pdf

     

    - took less than five minutes to find – and a reasonably
    detailed reading took me mebbe 20 minutes to complete.  And guess what?  It is a trio of economics researchers
    from UBC arguing against your hard-boiled reasonableness (that actually ain’t)
    and for my own (and I think many others’) perceptions, that our lifestyle – unsustainable
    in environmental terms in any case – is becoming more and more constricted
    while a hedonistic uber-class struts its stuff on our television screens which
    not too long ago would have been showing either serious drama or the results of
    other endeavours in the field of human knowledge, i.e. documentaries
    (incidentally keeping many others of your stripe – though I’m sure less
    incisively – in business).

     

    S.

  • Tom Hardern

    Atta boy Andrew, Pompous and Entitled sums up your latest rant about the occupiers and their “focus on the wealthy”.
    Talk about talking past the point: these people are simply saying exactly what you willingly admit, that we need to focus on the poor and the permanently poor relative to the rest of us.

    The contrast is merely  a starting point to get your attention… apparently it worked!

  • Anonymous

    Reality alert Andrew:

    Watch Monday Nov 7 Steve Paiken.

    Call Frum; call Kay; call Blond etc

  • UFC squirrel Cabinet advisor

    S.Gordon’s bar graphs cut off on right side, on my screen.  I don’t like needles.  When my cat was working poor it had trouble finding and affording drugs…was more shelter space and Insite the demand (I like political org ability but what is demand?!)?
    The income argument is an American one.  The Canadian argument is savings acrue to rich, but ours were highly taxed in 1980s I assume, and no tar back then.  Also need better personal finances for poor.  I like the idea of turning a portion of S.Harper’s tax-free savings account into an account protected from liens, top it up for low income Canadians and offer portfolio management for high income ones.  Let’s face it, Canadian portfolio managers at present give good ROI.  Then pay it out as an annuity at some point IDK when.
    Newspaper biz section could be packaged like a magazine and sold with some basic stock screens.  The tricky part is finding out when companies owe debt.

  • Anonymous

    Great article Andrew.

    It’s also worth noting that to say “we’re no better off than in 1980″ is not exactly true as the real income numbers don’t paint the whole picture. 

    How many people had iPhones in 1980?  Better yet, how many people had cell phones in 1980?  Computers, the internet, big flat screen TVs were all unavailable then, but yet today even most in the bottom income range either have these things or at least have access to them.

    Look at what a basic vehicle comes with today compared to 1980.  Compare vehicle safety and fuel efficiency to vehicles from the 1980s. 

    Even if our incomes are roughly the same, our standard of living has much improved.

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