In this new crisis, the faint echo of a previous crisis
By Aaron Wherry - Saturday, May 18, 2013 - 0 Comments
First, CTV says Pamela Wallin was forced out amid concerns about the audit of her expenses. Next, CTV says the Senate’s report on Mike Duffy was edited as part of a deal with Nigel Wright. Via Twitter, the Prime Minister’s director of communications denies CTV’s report that the Prime Minister might prorogue Parliament in early June.
The weekly meeting of the Conservative caucus, which normally occurs on Wednesday, has been rescheduled for Tuesday morning before the Prime Minister departs for Peru. The Star describes this as an emergency caucus meeting at which the Prime Minister is expected to set out a zero tolerance policy on spending transgressions.
Jason Fekete notes that Mr. Duffy, Ms. Wallin and Patrick Brazeau were all nominated for the Senate on the same day—December 22, 2008—along with 15 other Conservative appointees. But that date is particularly interesting for everything that occurred in the month preceding it.
In the 2006 election, the Conservatives promised to not appoint to the Senate anyone who hadn’t won a mandate to do so from voters. And up until December 22, 2008, Stephen Harper had only appointed two senators—Michael Fortier, shortly after the 2006 election, so that Mr. Fortier might serve in cabinet, and Bert Brown in 2007 with Mr. Brown having won a Senate election in Alberta.
Then Stephen Harper almost lost his government.
Four weeks before those 18 appointees were announced, the Conservative government tabled its fall economic update (the last such economic update to be tabled in the House, actually). The measures contained therein, including the elimination of the public subsidy for political parties, had precipitated coalition talks between the Liberals and New Democrats. On December 1, the Liberals, New Democrats and Bloc Quebecois announced their accord. Facing an imminent vote of non-confidence and the possible replacement of his government with a coalition government led by Stephane Dion, Mr. Harper asked the Governor General, Michaelle Jean at the time, to prorogue Parliament. After some consideration, she agreed to do so.
The coalition’s moment might have thus passed, but it was not yet officially dead. The Liberals quickly installed Michael Ignatieff as leader and he maintained that the coalition was an option. Not until Parliament reconvened in late January and a new budget was tabled, did Mr. Ignatieff effectively kill the coalition.
Just as Mr. Ignatieff was taking over the Liberal caucus, the Prime Minister’s Office revealed that Mr. Harper would fill 18 Senate vacancies before Christmas. A debate about the legitimacy of doing so ensued. Mr. Harper claimed to be in a difficult spot that compelled him to do something. And then, on December 22, Mr. Harper named his 18 appointees, asserting that the appointments were important both in the pursuit of Senate reform and in the interests of opposing the coalition.
“Our government will continue to push for a more democratic, accountable and effective Senate,” said the Prime Minister. “If Senate vacancies are to be filled, however, they should be filled by the government that Canadians elected rather than by a coalition that no one voted for.”
The incoming Senators have all pledged to support eight-year term limits and other Senate reform legislation. Each incoming Senator has also declared his or her unwavering commitment to support Canadian unity and oppose the coalition.
This did not go over terribly well with Mr. Harper’s opponents.
“Mr. Harper knows that he does not have the confidence of the House of Commons,” Ignatieff said in a statement. “Appointing senators when he lacks a mandate from Parliament is not acceptable.”
It’s possible that the coalition was less a cause of the appointments than an excuse to make them. And possibly Mr. Harper was going to have to appoint senators at some point anyway (he’d hinted at such a possibility in October 2008). But December 22, 2008 does now seem like the plot point of a bad political thriller.
Four and a half years later, the Harper government’s Senate reform legislation is collecting dust while the Supreme Court prepares to hear a reference on the matter and three of the December 2008 appointees have either been removed or removed themselves from the Conservative caucus.
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Harper on India
By Aaron Wherry - Thursday, November 8, 2012 at 2:21 PM - 0 Comments
The Prime Minister considers the political situation in New Delhi.
Mr. Harper, who this week urged India in a speech to work harder and faster on trade deals, on Thursday said he realized New Delhi was proceeding as fast as it could. “Are we frustated? I am very clear we need to go farther and faster,” the prime minister told reporters in Bangalore after celebrating the opening of an IMAX cinema. “In my conversations with Indian leaders, they reflect exactly the same thing.”
He said Indian politicians share his concern but are hamstrung by a coalition government and the need to win approval from partners. “What we do have to realize when we deal with India as opposed to some other countries we’re dealing with in the developing word: this country is a democracy,” the prime minister said. “And that means governments cannot simply dictate a whole set of policy changes to happen the next day. That means governments must develop public consensus behind policy change.”
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Trudeau not for merging
By Aaron Wherry - Friday, October 12, 2012 at 1:27 PM - 0 Comments
Justin Trudeau apparently isn’t interested in a merger with the NDP.
Earlier in Burlington, Trudeau told reporters, if he becomes leader, he would not entertain a merger with the NDP so the left could be united against the Conservative government. “I don’t think that’s an interesting idea,” he said.
Despite some support for the idea from Chretien, Trudeau said, “I want to be leader of the Liberal party, not some sort of hybrid, semi-ideological formation.”
His father offered cabinet seats to Ed Broadbent in 1980 and speculated a little about the ramifications in his memoirs.
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To 2015 and beyond
By Aaron Wherry - Monday, April 16, 2012 at 9:29 AM - 0 Comments
Greg Fingas catches the apparent arrival of nuance to Thomas Mulcair’s views on coalition government. Last month, a possible coalition with Liberals was categorically out of the question. Yesterday, in an interview with CTV’s Question Period, Mr. Mulcair committed only to fielding 338 candidates and running to form a majority government. “Anything beyond that,” he said, “is pure speculation.”
Until Mr. Mulcair is asked again directly about his position and whether it has changed, it is likely too early to say to what degree his mind remains open to the possibility of a coalition, but Greg considers the ramifications.
In effect, merely in recognizing that any talk of a post-election coalition will depend on the circumstances at the time, Mulcair is taking a more cooperative line than the leaders of the Official Opposition in the previous two elections. Which means that the NDP will preserve at least some of its hard-earned reputation as the party most willing to work pragmatically toward progressive goals.
Mind you, the statement that we’ll need to see what happens doesn’t serve as quite the strong defence of cooperation that I’d most like to see. But it does open the door for a neat contrast against Libs past and present – allowing Mulcair to say he’ll consider working with the Libs and others toward common goals, while highlighting just what those goals are for the NDP. And if the Cons decide to follow up with another bizarre anti-cooperation crusade that pushes Mulcair to make stronger statements about the importance of working together rather than being as insular and narrowly-focused as Harper and company, then the result for the NDP figures to be all the better.
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Where does Thomas Mulcair stand?
By Aaron Wherry - Monday, March 19, 2012 at 12:33 PM - 0 Comments
Mr. Mulcair has talked about the need to “renew” and “modernize” the NDP, but much of what he has had to say about said change has involved nothing more than the party’s rhetoric and what he has proposed in terms of policy seems uncontroversial in the NDP context.
So where might Mr. Mulcair represent potential differences? Let’s throw out a few possible points of interest.
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‘End of story’
By Aaron Wherry - Monday, March 12, 2012 at 10:00 AM - 0 Comments
Thomas Mulcair rules out any kind of coalition with Liberals.
One thing Mulcair is clear on is that he’ll go after Liberal supporters, but won’t work with the rival party. “N.O.,” he told HuffPost. The NDP tried to form a coalition with the Liberals in 2008 and then the Grits “lifted their noses up on it,” Mulcair said.
The coalition experience taught Mulcair everything he needs to know about the Liberals. They’re untrustworthy and he said he’ll never work with them again, whether in a formal or informal coalition. “The no is categorical, absolute, irrefutable and non-negotiable. It’s no. End of story. Full stop,” he said.
Greg Fingas considers the leadership ballot ramifications.
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Topp on winning
By Aaron Wherry - Friday, February 3, 2012 at 11:54 AM - 0 Comments
Brian Topp has released a policy paper on building the party, including calls to expand the party’s outreach and fundraising efforts, launch a policy review and commit to working with other parties after the 2015 election.
There are, as Jack Layton used to say, many tools in the toolbox to do this – cooperation case-by-case and bill-by-bill; a budget accord on the model of the 2005 “NDP budget”; a governing accord in the style of the 1985 Peterson-Rae accord; or a coalition government, in the style of the coalitions that govern most of the democratic world. By talking early and often about these options, we will counteract the nonsense the Conservatives say about them; moreover, we will ensure that Canadians know that in the NDP, they have the party that is always prepared to work with others in the House of Commons to get things done –including the central task of ridding Canada of the Harper government.
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How to get the Liberals and NDP off each other’s shoes
By Paul Wells - Thursday, November 3, 2011 at 1:00 PM - 18 Comments
NDP leadership candidate Nathan Cullen on how cooperation is key to punting the Tories
“Everyone’s interpreting May 2 differently,” Nathan Cullen told me the other day over lunch at a reliably secluded Ottawa spot. May 2, you’ll recall, is the day we had a federal election. Stephen Harper won his majority. The New Democratic Party won 103 seats.Nathan Cullen is a New Democrat. “There’s a lot of people in our party who are interpreting this incorrectly. They think we’re predestined to win power the next time. I take the other view.”
Which is? “We should co-operate.”
“We” here is the NDP and the Liberals. And maybe the Greens. Or not. Cullen isn’t nailed down on the details. Those would be settled through discussion and negotiation before the next election. The goal for that election would be to have a single candidate, Liberal or New Democrat (or Green) (or not) (to be confirmed) running against the Conservative incumbent in those ridings the Conservatives now hold.
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This is why we can’t have cooperative things
By Aaron Wherry - Wednesday, October 5, 2011 at 10:44 AM - 35 Comments
Chris Selley blames Stephane Dion for the continued toxicity of coalition governance.
Coalition-demonizers like Stephen Harper tend to take more heat in the media than coalition-boosters like Mr. Dion. And the demonizers deserve what they get. It’s appalling that Canadian politicians and their supporters, who know perfectly well how Parliament works and would happily support a coalition if it favoured their side, will go around talking of coups d’état, pretending as if Canadian voters directly elect their governments…
That said, Mr. Dion and his backers did plenty of harm themselves. His coalition was hamstrung by the explicit support of the Bloc Québécois, but its even more fundamental problem was that Mr. Dion had promised not to form a coalition. This isn’t a minor policy flip-flop. We’re talking about someone promising never to become prime minister under certain circumstances, and then reneging. A promise is not nullified because it would have been awkward not to make it.
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Welcome to the club
By Aaron Wherry - Tuesday, September 13, 2011 at 10:58 AM - 30 Comments
The Conservatives formally initiate Brian Topp with a leaked memo of partisan attacks.
“Topp is a union boss and has deep union ties,” they say in a memo to MPs and party faithful. “How could Brian Topp speak on behalf of all Canadians, when he is so tied to big union special interests…
“Topp is not just the candidate of union bosses but also NDP insiders,” the Tories say, noting that he worked for former Saskatchewan premier Roy Romanow, former left-wing Toronto mayor David Miller and former NDP leader Audrey McLaughlin.
And if that does make Tories shake in their boots, the party back-roomers add that “Brian Topp is most notable for being NDP Leader’s hand-picked negotiator in the coalition talks with the separatist Bloc Québécois … Brian Topp will do anything – including forming a wreckless [sic] coalition with separatists – in order to gain power.”
Via Twitter, Brian Topp pronounces himself honoured.
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This is the week that was
By Aaron Wherry - Sunday, September 4, 2011 at 3:52 PM - 1 Comment
The race for NDP leader began here, here, here, here, here, here and here. Gary Doer, Brian Masse, Joe Comartin, Ryan Cleary, Wayne Marston, Peter Stoffer and Chris Charlton are out. Brian Topp, Megan Leslie, Libby Davies, Paul Dewar, Charlie Angus, Peter Julian, Francoise Boivin, Nathan Cullen and Romeo Saganash might be in. Pat Martin will enter the race if no one else will champion the idea of a merger with the Liberals. Thomas Mulcair might get in if the timetable is to his liking.
Stephen Gordon and Frances Woolley considered the end of the HST in British Columbia. Scott Brison blamed the Harper government, which would like that $1.6-billion back now. Continue…
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Is it safe to talk about a coalition?
By Aaron Wherry - Wednesday, August 31, 2011 at 10:52 AM - 15 Comments
Chris Selley says the New Democrats and Liberals should talk about a coalition before they talk about a merger.
… there’s very little standing in the way of such an arrangement except a little bit of leadership — legitimate coalitions cannot come from elections in which they’ve been explicitly disavowed — and, of course, an election result that makes it possible.
Both parties have much to do, if they’re to achieve such an outcome. But there’s no reason to believe they can’t do it separately and co-operate later, and plenty to like about having more choice in political parties rather than less. It would be a shame if one big idea was discounted in pursuit of another.
If memory serves, Jack Layton’s stance in the last election was that the NDP would work with any party in the House of Commons. If that position holds, the onus would seem to be on the Liberals to take a similarly open-minded position.
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'The Liberals walked away from an opportunity to throw Harper out'
By Aaron Wherry - Friday, May 20, 2011 at 5:02 PM - 103 Comments
Former NDP MP Tony Martin looks back on his time in Ottawa.
I thought we had a real chance at a progressive government in the fall and winter of 2008-2009 – the coalition. For me, the lowlight was not being able to achieve that. I thought we had a chance to achieve a progressive government that would have allowed us to do a whole bunch of things, including working on the reduction of poverty. The government we have has no interest in doing anything about poverty. The lowlight was we didn’t achieve it and that the Liberals walked away from an opportunity to throw Harper out.
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What’s the real issue here?
By Josh Dehaas - Wednesday, April 20, 2011 at 5:40 PM - 3 Comments
In this election, debate on policy has taken a back seat
In last week’s English-language debate, Stephen Harper didn’t bother mentioning his income-splitting plan or proposed fitness tax credit. Neither Jack Layton nor Michael Ignatieff talked about their support for cap and trade policies. Layton only brought up old age pensions once and Ignatieff only squeezed in one mention of his home renovation tax-credit promise. In fact, there was almost no policy discussion at all.
That explains why there were significantly fewer mentions of the major policy issues in newspapers following the debate, says Stuart Soroka, the McGill University political scientist who runs the Federal Election Newspaper Analysis Project. (Soroka tracks which issues get written about in eight major English language papers, and the tone of the coverage. Maclean’s publishes analysis of the results each week.) “The debate seems almost invisible,” says Soroka, referring to its impact on the statistics. “If the objective was to get people to think more seriously about policy differences, it sure didn’t happen.” Only health care was written about in a greater share of stories following the debate, up from 12 to 14 per cent. Crime and justice fell from 54 to 31 per cent. Even the economy dropped from 32 to 22 per cent.
Not all debates are so unmoving. When Martin challenged Harper on gay marriage and abortion in 2004, social issues moved to the front pages. In 2008, coverage shifted to the economy after the debate.
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Two questions for Stephen Harper (III)
By Aaron Wherry - Wednesday, April 20, 2011 at 10:10 AM - 50 Comments
After interviewing Mr. Layton and Mr. Ignatieff, Peter Mansbridge will sit down with Mr. Harper on Thursday. Assuming that the parameters of our democracy might be a topic raised, here, again, are two questions for Mr. Harper.
1. Earlier in this campaign, you explained that when you referred to “options” in the your letter to the Governor General in September 2004, you hoped only that she would give you the opportunity to assure her that you were not intending to defeat the Liberal government. University of New Brunswick professor Don Desserud has quibbled with this understanding of convention, suggesting the only options for the Governor General would have been to call an election or ask the leader of the opposition, in this case you, if he had the opportunity to form a government. Do you believe the Governor General can compel the Prime Minister to work with the opposition parties or do you believe you were given poor advice in 2004?
2. In an essay penned with Tom Flanagan some years ago you spoke favourably of an “alliance” between regional parties and lamented for the “winner-take-all style of politics” in Canada. In 1997, during an interview with TVO, you said if the Liberal majority government of the day was ever reduced to a minority government, there would be an opportunity for one of the other parties “to form a coalition or working alliance with the others.” In 2004, during your news conference with Mr. Duceppe and Mr. Layton, you were asked if you were prepared to form government and said such a scenario was “extremely hypothetical.” You and your party now argue that only the party that wins the most seats can form government. Why and when did your views change on the functioning of our parliamentary system?
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Statement of the obvious
By Aaron Wherry - Tuesday, April 19, 2011 at 5:07 PM - 126 Comments
Michael Ignatieff reminds everyone how our democracy works.
If the governor general wants to call on other parties, or myself, for example, to try and form a government, then we try to form a government,” Ignatieff told CBC’s Peter Mansbridge in an exclusive interview Tuesday afternoon.
“That’s exactly how the rules work and what I’m trying to say to Canadians is, I understand the rules, I respect the rules, I will follow them to the letter and I’m not going to form a coalition. What I’m prepared to do is talk to Mr. Layton or Mr. Duceppe or even Mr. Harper and say, ‘We have an issue, and here’s the plan that I want to put before Parliament, this is the budget I would bring in,’ and then we take it from there.”
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Here's where the whole campaign vanishes down a rabbit hole
By Paul Wells - Tuesday, April 19, 2011 at 4:56 PM - 202 Comments
This just in from the Conservative war room (here‘s the Globe account of the CBC interview that sparked it all):
April 19, 2011
For Immediate ReleaseIgnatieff Admits plan to become PM if he loses the election
After denying it for weeks, Michael Ignatieff today finally admitted he is open to trying to become Prime Minister with the support of the NDP and the Bloc Québécois, even if Stephen Harper’s Conservatives win the election on May 2.
During an interview with CBC’s Peter Mansbridge, Michael Ignatieff said:
“If Mr. Harper wins most seats and forms a government but does not have the confidence of the House and I’m assuming that Parliament comes back, then it goes to the Governor-General.” Continue…
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Mansbridge v. Layton
By Aaron Wherry - Tuesday, April 19, 2011 at 10:57 AM - 27 Comments
The NDP leader talks to the CBC host.
Layton said “there’s no question” Harper’s goal in 2004 talks with his party and the Bloc Quebecois was to become prime minister. Harper has also denied that he was trying to topple the Martin government and seize power in 2004.
Layton told Mansbridge that Harper is “fabricating things here.” Layton said the Conservative leader, who was then the Leader of the Official Opposition, was the driving force for the “arrangement” with other opposition parties at the time. ”We were called together by Stephen Harper to send a letter to the governor general to make it clear that if Paul Martin was defeated by the speech from the throne, she should turn to the other parties to govern,” Layton told the CBC’s Peter Mansbridge on board his campaign bus near Charlottetown. ”There was no question about it that the ultimate goal here was for Stephen Harper to become prime minister.”
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From the magazine
By Aaron Wherry - Saturday, April 16, 2011 at 1:09 PM - 55 Comments
I spent last Sunday hanging around with Stephane Dion. Here is what that was like.
If you’re interested in a director’s cut, full of never-before-seen material, see below.
You can add this as a post-script to what I wrote the night of the 2008 election.
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This complicated democracy
By Aaron Wherry - Friday, April 15, 2011 at 1:35 PM - 36 Comments
Frances Woolley sets out to consider the efficiencies of vote-swapping and ends up considering the nature of our democracy.
The question is the wrong one to ask. If Party A wins three seats, then it can pursue policies that benefit people who do (or potentially might) vote for party A. If parties A, B and C win one seat each, they will pursue policies that benefit a different set of electors, not just those who vote for party A. But will a coalition government pursue policies that benefit a broader section of the electorate?
It’s not obvious. It all depends what happens at the coalition stage, when different parties are attempting to form governments. An interesting working paper by Amedeo Piolatto argues that, in certain circumstances, the power wielded by small parties in the coalition formation process can cause proportional representation systems to lead to political outcomes that are less representative of the interests of the broader population than first past the post type systems.
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The Ontario accord
By Aaron Wherry - Friday, April 15, 2011 at 9:46 AM - 3 Comments
David Peterson and Bob Rae talk to The Mark about the Liberal-NDP accord in Ontario
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How bout now?
By Aaron Wherry - Thursday, April 14, 2011 at 12:47 PM - 29 Comments
After this and this comes this new attempt to pin Canadians down on what they will and will not accept from their Parliament.
The party with the most seats forms the government and seeks support from other parties on a case-by-case basis. Acceptable 72% Unacceptable 12%
The party with the most seats enters into a coalition with another party in order to form a government. Acceptable 57% Unacceptable 27%
Two or more parties, none of which have the most seats individually, enter into a coalition in order to form a majority government. Acceptable 48% Unacceptable 33%
Of course, none of those options appear on anyone’s ballot. And these options don’t fully cover the options available to the parties in Parliament.
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Vague notions
By Aaron Wherry - Thursday, April 7, 2011 at 1:55 PM - 49 Comments
Fifty-four percent of Canadians prefer a Liberal-NDP coalition to a Conservative majority, but a plurality of Canadians feel uneasy about the idea of coalition government.
When you think about the idea of a coalition government in Canada do you have a positive, somewhat positive, somewhat negative, or negative impression?
Positive 18%
Somewhat positive 22%
Somewhat negative 17%
Negative 32%
Unsure 12% -
The sound of stopping Harper
By Paul Wells - Wednesday, April 6, 2011 at 11:04 PM - 226 Comments
Two articles today make arguments Stephen Harper predicted on the day in March when he visited Rideau Hall. Tonight’s, from Postmedia:
“‘Say Mr. Harper is returned with a comparable minority’ to what he has now, says Franks. ‘Say within a few weeks of Parliament meeting there’s a vote on the speech to the throne and Mr. Harper is defeated. The Governor General is then entitled to determine if any other party leader will enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons.’
“…Ignatieff has not explicitly ruled out the idea of trying to lead a non-coalition, minority Liberal government if the Conservatives fail to secure the majority Harper says is crucial for the country, and then fail to secure enough support in Parliament to govern.”
This morning’s, from the Globe:
“Stack it all up, set events in motion, and they tumble toward a Tory minority government quickly falling and being replaced by a Liberal government propped up by at least the NDP. (Conservative partisans: Please note the lack of the word ‘coalition’ in the preceding sentence. Liberal partisans: Please note that nothing your leader has promised rules out such a move.)
“…Errol Mendes, professor of constitutional and international law at the University of Ottawa’s faculty of law, says there will be no stay of execution: whatever the risks, the opposition will move immediately. The Tories are ‘doomed’ in a minority situation, he says…”
There will be more and more of this discussion as election day approaches. Its effect on voter intentions is hard to predict.
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Two questions for Stephen Harper (II)
By Aaron Wherry - Monday, April 4, 2011 at 8:46 AM - 55 Comments
In light of what we saw and heard during the first week of the 41st general election, those two questions for Mr. Harper need to be updated.
1. Last week, you explained that when you referred to “options” in the your letter to the Governor General in September 2004, you hoped only that she would give you the opportunity to assure her that you were not intending to defeat the Liberal government. University of New Brunswick professor Don Desserud has quibbled with this understanding of convention, suggesting the only options would have been to call an election or ask the leader of the opposition, in this case you, if he had the opportunity to form a government. Do you believe the Governor General can compel the Prime Minister to work with the opposition parties or do you believe you were given poor advice in 2004?
2. In an essay penned with Tom Flanagan some years ago you spoke favourably of an “alliance” between regional parties and lamented for the “winner-take-all style of politics” in Canada. In 1997, during an interview with TVO, you said if the Liberal majority government of the day was ever reduced to a minority government, there would be an opportunity for one of the other parties “to form a coalition or working alliance with the others.” In 2004, during your news conference with Mr. Duceppe and Mr. Layton, you were asked if you were prepared to form government and said such a scenario was “extremely hypothetical.” You and your party now argue that only the party that wins the most seats can form government. Why and when did your views change on the functioning of our parliamentary system?
















